The talent card is not a theoretical debate; it is a central decision that will soon move towards implementation. In the current political environment, it is not credible that the Vice-President of the Legislative Assembly, Ho Ion Sang, would have publicly defended it without backing from the decision-making structure — much less in Beijing, during the “Two Sessions”. And it is becoming increasingly obvious, and widely accepted, that the economy cannot be diversified — into new sectors, models and systems — within the labour constraints of the old reality.
What has changed is the political perception, not conservative resistance; that is here to stay and will endure — which is, to some extent, understandable. In any case, the recruitment of external critical mass will not be excessively accelerated, much less arrive in a flood. It will be measured and carefully weighed, otherwise the result could be social disruption that serves no one.
The real drama does not even lie in foreign labour, whether Lusophone or from any other origin. That labour force will necessarily have to accompany the external investment that is being sought to leverage new sectors under the “1+4” strategy; to fulfil the goals of bilingualism and the Lusophone platform — which now also aspires to be Hispanic.
Because it is welcome and necessary, the talent card deserves the label of a first-class Blue Card — it is not a second-class BIR
The panic that has tightened the funnel comes from the local labour fabric, which can easily be overtaken by compatriots from the Mainland. Given their scale, level of preparation, competitiveness and guanxi, if the border is thrown wide open they will flood the labour market and take it over. It was in this context that patriotism and “birophobia” also dictated the end of positive discrimination for Portuguese — and Lusophones — an exception that was sensitive and difficult to justify when Chinese migrants were being blocked.
The temporary work permit (Blue Card), rather than full residency (BIR), is not the problem in itself. What cannot happen is trying to attract qualified critical mass while denying them the right to bring their families, or depriving them of access to education and healthcare. Not to mention the quasi-exploitative nature of an authorisation granted to the company rather than to the worker. Beyond the moral issue, this restricts mobility between jobs, which is crucial in a modern, creative and competitive society that values meritocracy.
Because it is welcome and necessary, the talent card deserves the label of a first-class Blue Card — it is not a second-class BIR. At least in the short term, economic diversification does not require political rights, cash handouts or permanent residency. What is needed is fair, dignified and attractive employment. Perhaps later, the need to populate Hengqin will bring greater flexibility in the granting of BIR. That is not the urgent issue now.
There is a hidden truth in the Greater Bay Area that is already out in the open. Whatever happens, Macau’s population will have to retrain and step up, because labour competitiveness and the pace of production in China are far ahead of this rent-based village. And that is still not being faced head-on.
What is certain is that the talent card is a step forward; importing qualified critical mass is part of the solution, not part of the problem. The real problem must be tackled through intensive vocational training, a change in mindset… and a social protection net. Because it really is going to hurt — like a snake shedding its skin.
