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The two edges of autonomy

Paulo Rego, Director-General

Sam Hou Fai arrived in Lisbon without it being entirely clear who would receive him, when, or where. In the end, he left for Madrid having met with everyone, including the President, the Prime Minister, and two ministers. But at the moment of departure, the Chief Executive had more cards to show: Portugal recognizes the success of the “One Country, Two Systems” model; supports Macau’s role as a platform between China and the Portuguese-speaking countries; and wants to “deepen relations.”

These are not major concrete plans; still, in the current context, they are political assets. From the outset, in the diplomatic dimension and in the question of autonomy’s scope. Sam Hou Fai can well thank Chinese diplomacy, whose weight was felt particularly in securing a high-level agenda that would otherwise have been difficult to achieve.

Lisbon may even prefer to deal directly with Beijing rather than with Sam Hou Fai, seen as a regional envoy with limited autonomy. However, if Beijing insists on giving prominence to Macau’s centrality, it becomes difficult for Lisbon to bypass the platform.

In that context, it falls to Portugal to see Macau’s role as a platform as an exclusive opportunity – a factor of proximity and competitiveness, a gateway to China – rather than as a constraint on direct relations. This is good news for Macau, as it consolidates its mediating role. The better it is at bringing the parties together, the better Macau fulfills its role as a bridge; the more opportunities it creates for itself; and the better it serves all sides.

It is precisely its subsidiary role within a national plan of expansion of the First System that opens the door to more opportunities, on a larger scale

Finally, but no less important, is the success of the Second System. With this recognition, the theory of a tectonic impact from controversies surrounding political rights or national security falls apart. In the end, these issues do not undermine “friendship” or long-term interest. In fact, they are not even discussed. They are not on the political agenda; and the Portuguese media paid little to no attention to the visit – neither positively nor negatively.

The fact is that, while the autonomy of the Second System is a competitive factor in Macau’s international positioning, paradoxically – or perhaps not – it is precisely its subsidiary character within the plan of the First System that opens the door to greater opportunities, on a larger scale. Sam Hou Fai was navigating this dichotomy for the first time; and from that standpoint, he performed well.

The true scope of the 61 agreements and protocols announced by Sam Hou Fai is not yet known. But they are numerous; that much can be acknowledged.

And the Chief Executive has committed to implementing and developing them – which, in such matters, does not always mean much, but does say something about the spirit of this mission: Macau positions itself as a national instrument tasked with attracting Portuguese companies to the Greater Bay Area, and with opening doors in Portugal for Chinese companies.

Finally, his stop in Spain carries its own message: a brief visit, just enough to signal that, even without the same history or level of friendship, Spain will have access to the same opportunities that Macau offers Portugal. It would not be surprising if, ten years from now, we find ourselves saying what already seems possible today: Spain delivers – and Portugal does not. This is the final, more subtle message Sam leaves in Lisbon – for those in Portugal who are paying attention.

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Generalist media, focusing on the relationship between Portuguese-speaking countries and China.

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